Friday, September 15, 2006

#019: Fieldnotes, Khonkho Wankane (The Blues). 07/05/06

Wednesday

4:42 pm

Woke up 9:30 am; hard to get out of bed. Had breakfast and hung around, a little dazed, until leaving for site with the cook at 11:30. Arrived and hung out a bit at different units until lunch time. A group of three worker-friends of mine invited me to dine with them on their picnic blankets. I graciously nibbled on the potato, meat strips and cheese chunks they kept handing to me, and they asked about how much a plan ticket costs from U.S. (got asked that twice today. After lunch and nap with the archaeologists, wandered around the rest of the afternoon, chatting with various people but not getting any interviews. It’s hard today – I feel awkward and tired and completely don’t know how to approach them, even with simple history-related questions. I often give them a vague window and wait for them to come through it to me, but they don’t. I have to pry, and withstand century-long silences in which I try to figure out what to say next. It’s arduous and draining and it sucks.

Walked around with camera - just planned on taking pix of excavation itself, but it turned out to be a great icebreaker in my discussions with workers. Everyone asked right away for the picture – “when are you going to bring it to me?” – and I told them all tomorrow, realizing later that I don’t yet have the photo paper to print them on. When I took their pictures almost everyone posed with their tools – a shovel, a trowel – and didn’t smile, just looked solemn and proud. All seemed pretty excited about the photos, having them taken and then looking at them in viewfinder. A few people asked how much the camera cost - $200, I say. Can’t remember if that’s right. I figure that giving the photos back to them will be a good opportunity to ask them to tell me a bit about history. The ethnographic exchange reversed, I guess, if not initiated.

After taking a bunch of photos at people’s request, I returned to the worker from yesterday (F____) and asked him if he had any more histories. “Mañana,” he said. “I have to think some more.” The grad student (A___) working with him tells me later that he heard from F____ this morning a story about the Inca, and landscape, and the origins of Ilimani and the other big mountains. The grad student asks F___ at the end of the workday if he could retell the story for me and, thankfully, he does - in Castellano first, then Aymara, then more in Castellano. I have trouble understanding everything so I don’t have many questions – I wish I had asked the grad student to translate during the story.

Good talk with A___ earlier about my project, and he says the director/Professor may want to put a chapter in a book, published for the community, about the history of the site as told by Khonkho folks (Khonkhinos)…just something simple. To be published here in Bolivia by end of year. We talk about how little time there is – hopefully I’ll be finished/have enough by early August. At least there are some books you can read about the topic, he says: Inca, even Maya origin myths…historiography…also strongly suggests reading Abercrombie, 1986: Pathways of Memory and Power.

Feeling so sad tonight, little heart all blue. Missing home, I think, and affection. Not sure what it is I’m doing here – feels silly, ultimately, being here, away from my home and the things and people I love…just so that I can be able to make a point about something that isn’t even close to my heart in any way. Just, looking for....something.

One of the grad students is playing a CD right now from a gospel blues singer lady, which makes me feel better. Strength, she's telling me, so much strength. “Jesus knows I have a weakness…”

#018: Fieldnotes, Khonkho Wankane (Stones & Stories). 07/04/06

Tuesday

6:15 pm

Uneventful morning. Woke up ~9:00 am, had breakfast and read some Altsvaldsson (article on cultural symbols and knowledge in Andes), finished fieldnotes from yesterday. Talked with the cooks, offered them popcorn (at their request) and they asked me what some words are in English – pot, hair, banana, apple, etc. They giggled at how funny the words sounded, especially when they tried to say them.

Good talk over lunch with one of the grad students about the colonialism in archaeology (oh, this again), and whether our coming here as archaeologists/anthropologists constitutes some form of social or economic coercion. We wondered, too, whether in personal relationships or any kind of encounter in this setting you can ever escape your persona, role and meaning as a “norteamericano”/white person. Doubtful, we agreed, but I told him I like to think that it is possible to break through it, make connections with people – real, genuine ones.

Had a delicious chicken lunch (starting to actually enjoy eating meat again…) and headed out to site with the director and some local dudes around 1pm. The Vice Minister was supposed to be out there today – turned out to be the Director of Cultural Heritage from the Ministry of Culture – taking a tour of the excavation. I followed along for a bit…wasn’t very interesting. Talked to one lady who works as a cook at our compound. As we circled one monolith I asked her whether this was the most important one of them all, and she said yes. I asked why, and she said because it has important things written on it: “writing, like the kind we have today…it’s the same.” She said she didn’t know too much about it, and I said I didn’t either. We laugh.

At around 2pm,, the not-Vice Minister called a meeting (“obligatorio,” people say) of all the workers and archaeologists. With great oration, in very clear Castellano, he talked about the importance of culture and cultural heritage as part of the plan for Bolivia’s development (Evo’s plan). It is necessary, he insists, to transmit culture to the youth, coordinate with central government and other communities. Kind of boring stuff, but I wrote down everything I coud understand in my notebook anyway.

After meeting, super tired and thinking of going back to camp to lie down, but walked with one of the grad students back towards his unit and he told me about an interesting conversation he had with his workers this morning about the history of the sun: In the time before the sun (“before Christ,” they said), the people heard the sun was going to rise in the West and built all their houses with windows facing west. When it rose in the east, all the houses burned and the people turned to stone – the Pusikala stones, four giant slabs which I’m told are right near the sight. Asked one older gentleman working in this grad student’s unit to recount the story after work was over and recorded it – once in Aymara, once in Spanish. Others watched and listened – he seemed to be happy to be telling the story. Told it very clearly, concisely.

The grad student suggested taking photos of informants after interviews and printing them as a thank-you gift.

Huge, pretty insane party at campo tonight – a Not-4th of July party, in that none of us even realized the date until much later in the evening. When we did, somebody made a toast: A Bolivia! Y a America, sin Bush! (“To Bolivia! And to America, without Bush!”) and everyone laughed, and continued dancing and stomping on the worktable to Latin dance-party songs. The stress relief was much needed.

Saturday, September 09, 2006

#017: Fieldnotes ("History" & dreams of the sea), Khonkho. 07/03/06

Monday
1:43 pm

Agostina didn’t show up this morning. I’ve felt sad all day, not because of that at all, but out of some emotional dissatisfaction, an unsettled state of feeling. I wonder what it means to be here working like this, as in, what meaning is coming out of it, for those I meet and interact with. Lately, there’s been an air of performance to all this, with very little substance to back it up or make it fulfilling. I’m The Anthropologist, and I’m here because I want information from The People so that I can put together a fabulous ethnography when I return to my real home. And working here is only supposed to be meaningful in so far as it bestows legitimacy on my project as a “field experience.” It’s not because of the people I meet here... my relationships here have been entirely circumstantial - a mere result of my decision to come here and force my way into this community - and conditional upon when and what I want to learn from people. They are real relationships, of course, but not based on genuine, interpersonal affection or interest… instead, their basis is in exchange. I want specific kinds of things from these people and they often want specific kinds of things from me: money, political instrumentality, novel technological toys. I’m a rich gringo girl to them, a window of opportunity. If I wasn’t, I’m not sure they’d have the time of day for me.

Some encounters, of course, have been marked with incredible warmth, friendliness, curiosity. Also, thankfully, many people seem pretty unphased by my being here, like I may be just another person. A great deal of my own questioning and skepticism may just have to do with the fact that this is, at a very fundamental level, a strange and tricky situation…the very “inter-cultural entanglement” I talked about before actually experiencing it. This isn’t my home, I am so different here, as are all the archaeologists are, and so there may be a certain amount of uncertainty on both sides about how to go through with this. I mean, how do you deal with a bunch of strangers coming into your town from a far-away place to dig stuff out of the ground, most of which you never really thought was important? It'd make sense if, in an attempt to understand who we are and what we were doing, people here would just lump us together under stereotypes, or their own agendas and plans for success. Just as locals or “natives” so often have general, inaccurate values or meanings attached to them by anthropologists, we probably come to represent the gringo, the West, money, opportunity...rather than people you'd like to get to know for who they are.

It's pretty disheartening to think about such a huge barrier existing between us and them...but it starts to make sense when you consider the fact that, well, there’s just a lot more shit involved in this kind of interaction. Not bad stuff, just context, and so much of it. That is, I happen to have walked into a place thick with histories and networks and things to protect….this is people’s home, their turf. It’s complicated, of course, and it’s important and delicate, especially considering the situation (historical and onward) for Indigenous peoples, the rebuilding going on still, the balancing of so many different positions, needs, battles. It’s a lot to handle, and my attempts to understand it, to be at home here, just to be here, are not going to be easy. That’s something I remember feeling as soon as I got off the plane – heaviness, the weight of serious challenge – but without recognizing it for what it was and neglecting to tell myself, warn myself not to expect to know everything all at once, and certainly not to feel comfortable or competent or loved right away. If it’s anything at all, this is a process. It’s going take a while. And, despite my desires to walk away from here with gorgeous experiences and a full, happy heart, I’m coming to realize now that I might not. Being here and interacting with people is going to make me feel angry sometimes, lonely at others, and frequently like an outsider, an opportunist, a naïve colonialist bastard. I have already, even. It’s a part of this work; the part they don’t always tell you about. And I’ve just got to take it, deal with it.

7:48 pm

Arrived at site today around 3:30 pm. Almost all new workers working at A___ (grad student)'s pit…very nice folks who all shake my hand happily (A___ says, cynically, that it may be because they think I’m another archaeologist who will be hiring more cuadrillas). I walk over and say hello to the folks working the wheelbarrow and sifter, including an older woman who seems very chatty and friendly. She speaks to me in an Aymara-Castellano blend, and I try to communicate to her that I don’t quite understand but she just smiles a big, gold-toothed smile and talks anyway, hoping for the best. We are able to get across to each other that it’s really quite windy today. I learn later (with the help of another worker’s translation into Castellano) that she is my friend E___'s older sister. I believe the word used is “jiriti” or “jitiri.” “I’m learning Aymara!” I tell them, half-informatively/half-declaratively.

I sit with A___, the grad student, for a bit and talk about interview stuff. He introduces me to all of the new workers, one of whom is C____, brother of the local shaman. Everyone has told me about him and how I have to meet him, because his name is basically my name with an “-o." When we meet and shake hands at the site everyone erupts in laughter and the kind of “ooh!" which indicates, "yes, finally!" There’s a word here for two people who have the same name, indicating and recognizing a connection between them that is important, perhaps spiritually. I can’t remember it, though, so I just address him in our introduction as “mi hermano,” my brother, and we laugh. He smiles big, seems very warm and friendly. A___ jokes that he “likes the ladies.”

I ask the men a little bit about the pit (“hay algo?”) but “no hay nada.” At the other newer pit, up the ways a bit, the workers have found several bits of bone. This seems to be a fill, where soil taken from other, perhaps far-away locations was deposited and packed in order to create an earth mound or hill. Its chronology indicates that all the things in this section of the stuff were settled at the same time – including the more regal houses up the hill. “Very exciting* stuff here,” A___ says.

As he and I sit by the other pit, A___ offers a suggestion for my project. “I was thinking,” he says, “you might get a better response from people, and they might understand better what you’re doing, if you approach it like you’re gathering a history of Khonkho.” Let them tell you what they know, he said… and you’ll probably still get a lot of the same responses you were looking for, but it’ll make more sense to people. I REALLY like this idea, I think it’s perfect for my purpose. First, it’s a lot easier to approach people for interviews – a “history” of Khonkho is much more familiar to them than an analysis of the excavation and ideas of history. Second, it might even be more effective at getting people to open up about how they think about those ideas. Third, it lets them teach ME something, lets interviewees put things in their own words and guide me, in a way, rather than putting me in the position of stealthy investigator, already knowing exactly what it is I want to find. So, yes! This is what I’ll do, at least in initial interviews. Get people to warm up, think with me through a few sessions and then maybe we could get to talking about the excavation, but that’s not really necessary. I’m sure I could get a lot just from hearing them talk about history – conceptions of past (and what’s important about it, what stands out) > social memory, etc. And this is great because it’ll allow me to talk to and include community members who may be less familiar with the excavation or know next to nothing about archaeology (and that itself may be something to analyze).

Also, there’s space for this kind of ethnographic work in the Project. A___ tells me that J___, the co-director, often says things to the community (at meetings, etc.) to the effect of, “We don’t know everything about the history of Khonkho, so we need your help.”

Good talk with S___, another grad student, at the site later on about the “disconnect” between archaeologists and community members concerning understanding of the excavation and its importance. He wonders if the conversion methods of the church and evangelical movement (for example, being told that your ancestors are in hell) may have something to do with people’s limited interest in the ancient past But we agree that it’s more complex than that: it’s a more synchronic kind of thing, a hybridization of Christian and Indigenous beliefs. We debate a little about which word is more accurate – synchrony or hybridity – but can’t decide. Anthropological theory is so convoluted sometimes. S___ tells me about an example of this whatever-you-call-it phenomenon which he remembers from last year: at the wak’ta performed up on the mountain behind camp prior to excavation there, the yatiri called out to all the mountains and huacas, and then out to Saint So-and-So and Saint So-and-So.

S___ recommends that I read two ethnographies: Catherine Allen’s The Hold Life Has (about coca and cultural identity) and Abercrombie’s Memory and Power (and Pathways) (?), which, he emphasizes, is a really, really good one and I have to read it. Also, recommends talking to P____, the shaman/yatiri, who knows a lot about this stuff and once showed him some seriously old documents related to the church and the founding of the town.

I talk again to Ex___, a lady working at the site who I met a few weeks back. She asks when I am going to work; I tell her I’m not going to excavate, that I’m an anthropologist, and I’m going to interview people about the history of Khonkho. I ask her (right away, directly) if she wants to do an interview. She says yes, anytime this week. Yes!

When 5:00 comes around (faster than it ever has), I wait for the archaeologists but Ex___ invites me to walk back with her and a friend – can’t remember her name. We have a great conversation on the way back about her work – farming papas and quinoa on family farm, not for selling but to eat. She is 30 years old, she tells me – I can’t believe it, I say, because she looks like she’s 24. She has one daughter, she says, and asks if I have any kids. I tell her no, that in the U.S., most women don’t have niños until the age of 30 or 35, at least in the city. They work, I say, and it’s hard to find a good husband. She marvels at this, says that in Khonkho a lot of people are married by the age of 15 – that’s just life in Khokho. I like her ability to look at her “culture” from an outside perspective… but only because it’s what I do (in this culture and my own), and it gives us some common ground. She asks about the U.S. – “que lindo país,” she says with awe, what a beautiful country – and says she’d love to go someday. She knows about NY, but only from a map. I tell her it’s very small, but a beautiful city. I ask her when she had her baby – 16 years old, she says – and whether it was with a husband or a boyfriend, when did they get married? She was never married, she said, he left. “Where?” I ask, in that kind of outraged, “how dare he!” tone common to women. He just left, she says. I ask if her mother helped her with the baby. Her mother was/is not alive, she says, but her father helped her out. “Lo siento, lo siento,” I say, and am suddenly, belatedly embarrassed by how personal my questions are. She doesn’t seem to mind at all, though, and talks to me like we’re old friends. I ask her if it’s common for the men here in Khonkho to leave their families like that. Yes, she says, but there are some padres here, so there are men who stay. I tell her it’s the same in the place I come from, where many men feel that they just don’t have to be fathers and leave. Really? She asks. Yes, I say, “es la suerte de la mujer, no?” It’s the luck of the woman. We “hmm hmm” in agreed disapproval. I add that the women are “muy fuertes,” though, very strong, and tell her she is very strong, and she thanks me.

We come up to the road that leads to my camp – we say “ciao” and “hasta mañana” and part ways. I head back to camp for tea and rolls with the crew, then type up some fieldnotes. Big crowd tonight – all the Bolivian archaeologists have returned from elections in La Paz, and the three Bolivian archaeology students will be staying here for a few days. They tell us that the elections went well, that a bunch of districts (or cities?) have declared autonomy.** I’m not sure what that means exactly for Bolivia. I’ll have to talk more with them and try to figure it out.

A few mallkus show up later, signing forms – probably getting paid. The lady maestro arrives a little later. J___, the co-director, takes a picture of her signing something (“The first female maestro!” he says proudly) and she gets bashful. I later learn from M____, one of the Bolivian archaeologists, that the lady maestro was actually fired today by mallkus and other maestros, who complained that she didn’t know what she was doing. M____ and I talk about how fucked up it is – hardly any of them know what they’re doing at first. “It’s a process,” she says. You have to learn it. Bastards.

Rest of the evening is spent transcribing fieldnotes onto computer, playing DJ, which makes me pretty happy as usual. This is dorky, but just for recordkeeping’s sake, I started the night off (pre-dinner) with some salsa and seventies funk (Cymande), then moved into Ella Fitzgerald and Billie Holiday and other poppy jazz, then into some French romantic stuff (Serge Gainsbourg, Edith Piaf), then Bob Marley and some afrobeat… THEN rock ‘n’ roll (Bowie, the Velvet Underground, T. Rex, Television, Iggy Pop, other swaggerful bands) and some lighter, more country-beat rock (Bob Dylan, Magnetic Fields). Everyone – or, me and the other music dork in the room – was just overjoyed to hear the Magnetic Fields, singing along and laughing at their ridiculous and wonderful lyrics, so I played 69 Love Songs, Vol. 1 the whole way through, twice. I suppose being out here, spending so much time working in a cold, cement-walled workroom makes you enjoy music a whole lot more than usual. Or, at least, pay a lot more attention to what it is you’re listening to.

Read some Moby-Dick before bed – made my heart really happy, especially the talk of whale history and the great souls of men, the courage of Starbuck. Wanted to laugh out loud a few times at Melville’s lovable overstatements, but too many people sleeping in the room, so I kind of buried my face in my sleeping bag and snickered. Drifted off to sleep thinking of the sea, so very, very far away right now.


* This is exciting because, according to the grad student’s hypothesis, the contemporaneous settlement of this area of the site would have to have been a huge project requiring the labor of hundreds, if not thousands, and the coordination (and authority) of some seriously powerful people. Such a scale of construction so long ago (in the Late Formative period, has never been seen in this region before, and would really change the way archaeologists have understood social organization and the development of political power in this section of the Andes.

** It was four eastern regions or provinces, and they didn’t declare autonomy, they just voted for it in Congress. Some say that the wealthier, more heavily mestizo (European) than Indigenous cities in these regions, like Sucre or Santa Cruz, want autonomy because they no longer want to carry the burden of financially supporting the nation’s poorer regions. They say it’s because they don’t support President Morales and his party, MAS (Movimiento a Socialismo) – who fervently oppose autonomy – because of their efforts to rewrite the constitution through the creation of a Constituyente, or constituent assembly. For more details about recent anti-Constituyente protests, check out: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/5328900.stm

Friday, September 01, 2006

#016: Fieldnotes (& methodology stuff), Khonkho. 07/02/06

Sunday

Really good talk with one of the grad students this morning about the social dynamics of the Project, importance of joking around and “giving each other shit” all the time – lightens the mood, makes people (especially new people) a lot more comfortable. We then talked about Project itself – land issues and knowledge production. He says the archaeologists have for a long time been trying to figure out what interests local people about the project. The timelines, or talking about the past with numbers or details (as in, “hey, that rock you’re holding is 2,000 years old!”) have never seemed to pique anyone’s interests. Workers and other people familiar with the project do like talking about ceramics, tools, and houses. So, we wondered, why is it that the archaeologists are so fascinated with ancient peoples’ garbage (so much so that they travel to another hemisphere to dig it up), while many community members don’t even a blink an eye at it? Is it something inherent in these objects and concepts that either interests or bores people, or could it be a difference in ideas of history among archaeologists and community members? What kinds of conceptual bases (culturally and/or personally informed) do these two groups work from in their attempts to understand the ancient past? Maybe it has something to do with ideas of self as either a part of the past-present continuum or set apart from it; maybe it’s rooted in different understandings of the shape of time…in our culture, at least, time is always talked about a straight line with points on it, moving infinitely forward, whereas here in Khonkho it’s often implicitly described as something more fluid and flexible, at least in my observations. That’s something to look further into, I think…

A--- (the grad student) suggested that, in beginning to interview folks about their ideas of the past, I might want to start with reference points, things in their lives which serve as a powerful reminder and representation of the past: huacas (sacred places or landmarks) and colonial-era churches. A--- mentioned that he has been asked by local workers, “how did they bring the stones down from the mountain to build the church [in the plaza]? They must have been so much more powerful than we are today...” He’d respond to that by saying, no, they just had more people then who would lug the stones, and would try to explain how it was a different social system, of kings and enslaved peoples. But that answer never really seems to engage them, he says. It seems they’d prefer the former explanation.

Thinking about interview questions for tomorrow: interview with Ag----, worker at site, 9am. Will start with more friendly, introductory stuff, getting-to-know-you questions. Then, start talking about history and ancient past – whether it interests her, what she knows/has learned about it (in school, from family/community members) … how often people she knows talk about it, whether it’s important to the community. Think I’ll walk with her over to the plaza, point out and talk about the Tiwanaku(?)-inspired statues there, as a more material example/springboard for discussion.

Had an idea earlier today: Using some visual aid in (later) interviews; looking at drawings of monoliths. Asking, “how do you interpret this?” and letting the conversation go from there. Need to make interviews more fun … but I worry about using methods that are really a way of trying to trick or outsmart people, predict their answers in that coy, brain-experiment kind of way. I’d rather be totally honest with people, and ask questions that I don’t already know or expect an answer to, let them teach me something.

Sunday, August 27, 2006

PHOTOS. To La Paz...and Back! 07/08 to 07/10/06


This poor little fellow froze to death in the cold Bolivian night. He remained on the windowsill for the duration of my trip.


Big, cool trucks don't need no mirrors.


Is that a volcano erupting...in Peru? It appeared so to us, or my professor, at least.


Clearest day we'd seen in them there Andes.


La Paz...again.






At the internet shop. Apparently, they really like Star Wars here.


On our way back to the country, we came across none other than a bloqueo, or a blockade, in which communities block major roads like this one (I don't know if you can see the rocks lined up) as a form of political protest.


No cars...


And if they find you sneaking past the bloqueo, sometimes they'll bumrush your car and, um, kill you....


...depends on the community and cause, I guess...


...as we were neither bumrushed nor killed. These people seemed rather friendly.


And it was a gorgeous day, anyhow.




Passed a Death Star, er, power plant, on our way.








...and a small church/shrine where travelers are supposed to leave offerings of coca. We did not.






But wasn't the moon pretty...

Thursday, August 24, 2006

PHOTOS. At the site. 07/05/06


Those are stone foundations of 2,000 year-old buildings, covered with paja (straw) to insulate them from the nighttime frost.















One of the grad students peers down into a vertical pit, where workers (see the blue hat?) are digging up fill, or dirt used to build other stuff, like mounds and pyramids...




Sifting away, looking for bits of ceramic, bone, what-have-you.




A nice after-lunch nap for the archaeologists.

#012: Fieldnotes, Khonkho Wankane. 06/28/06

Wednesday

Woke up 9:30 am. Breakfast then reading (Emerson, Fretz + Shaw. Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes). Lunch, some fieldnote writing. Left for site w/ Prof and two students 1pm. Everyone still having lunch when we arrive. I sit close to road with archaeologists + our cook and finish fieldnotes from yesterday.

Walk past M____’s unit, say hello to workers. One asks if I’ll be excavating; I don’t know how to excavate, I’m going to observe,” I say. “Oh, converse with people,” he adds. I ask what they’re doing right now, what they’re excavating. Clearing out the fill from last year, he says, over a burial, a tomb. “Where are the bones?” I ask. At the campamiento, he says. I say it’s interesting (not sure what else to say) and walk away, towards A___’s unit, same as yesterday.

Say hello to E___. Shakes my hand, very happily, warmly. I show her the aloe cream I brought for her. She asks what it’s for (Face? Hands?). I say wherever; try to explain that it’s made from aloe, a plant with juice inside, very good for when you’re sick. She doesn’t quite understand, but she wants to buy it from me. I say ok, for 10 B’s. She doesn’t have plata with her, she says, but she’ll bring it on Monday.

Warm hellos, hand-shaking with male workers. “No hay nada” in A___’s unit, still. J____ asks, “Do you remember my name?” I exclaim it, proudly. They laugh. Another worker says something about how J___ is dangerous, a bloodsucker, and everyone laughs (including me awkwardly, not quite understanding). A___ says that the workers have been talking all morning about the caricari, a bloodsucking bat which is the centerpiece of a lot of stories (and jokes, apparently) around here. They all joke that J____ is the caricari; he’s so fat, they say, that he must be sucking other people’s fat at night. They say I have to be careful, especially at night. Everyone laughs and looks at me waiting for a reaction, but I have trouble producing anything witty. I just laugh along. They add that it’s just a joke.

I walk over to the girls, at the other sifter today. “¡Hola, señoritas!” as usual. Make date for interview with Ag___, then they’re quiet and I stand there awkwardly, so start walking away. Then Ag___ calls out, “Did you cook the seeds last night?” The seeds from yesterday? I ask, and point to my overall pocket. They laugh. I tell them no, but our cook did, and they were “muy rico.” Then she asks, “Are you going to come back?” I think she means later on today and say yes, of course. She continues with something I don’t understand. I understand that she’s asking (half-jokingly) about the whole year; am I going to come back after this? Can I stay the whole year? No, unfortunately, I can’t, I say … I have to back to the U.S. in early August. She says I can stay, herd sheep and llamas. The three of us laugh. I tell her I’d like to, but I have to go back to school, to study. She asks again, with mock sadness in her voice, if I can’t stay. We laugh some more and I start walking away, tell them that I have to go over there, and point to the outhouse. “Baño,” I say. They giggle.

I hit my head on the way in and out of the outhouse, the doorway is so fucking low.

Get back and sit by the pit, watching. The workers and A____ are measuring the depth of the pit, with string, level and measuring tape. One worker says something about caricari and laughs, looks at me.

E___ tells A___ “74” and points at sifter. A___ sits next to me, filling out form. I ask him (a bit lost in though I am) what kinds of skills are used most in archaeology. “Observation,” he answers, and “critical thinking.” Just then, D____ says something to him about carbon, and A___ asks “how much?” or “what kind?” … observing through him, you might say. A___ also says, “synthetic thinking … I don’t know (laughs).” You have to look at things, their characteristics, he says, and figure out what happened to them, whether it was erosion or whatever.” I ask whether that’s deductive or inductive thinking. Both, he says. Goes over to pit, then comes back.

J___ and D___ in pit, two sifters hunched over the pit’s edge watching. A___ sees me watching and says, “They’re all really interested … [because they] think it’s going to be a tomb. That’s why they’re neglecting their other work … not that there is any (light laugh).” I ask J___ my usual question, “hay algo?” He answers with his pointer finger, moving it slowly from side to side. I initially think he means, ‘don’t ask’ or ‘shut up,’ but then he repeats the old refrain, “no hay…” E___ echoes it, with gusto.

A___ walks over to pit, D. picks up a big rock to show him. A___ handles it, looks at it. Then D____ repeats another, “no hay nada…” A___ tells him: “Entonces, vas a bajar a veinte,” in a soft voice. “Esta bien,” D____ says. He and J___ keep at it with their pickaxes while A___ picks through a bucket of artifact fragments. Men in pit speak Aymara with each other.

This feels bizarre all of a sudden, just watching all these little interactions and moments and processing them immediately into language. Not sure if I like this.

Want to talk to A___ more about archaeological (and ethnographic) practice, what they involve and mean. Too far inside my head right now, thinking about this.

Another echo of “no hay’s” and “que mal suerte!’s” come from the workers. Kind of like a running joke at this point.

I want to head back to campamiento 3pm; have a lot of writing to do. Need to finish field notes so that tomorrow and Friday (in La Paz) can be focused on blogging and errands. Before leaving talk to A___ a bit about what I’ve been learning/thinking about, concerning ethnographic practice as a writing activity, and the “inscription,” or “transcription,” rather, of social interaction into writing. A___ notes that I keep so many journals, and sympathizes with the sacrifice of fully experienced experience it involves. “But at least you seem to like documenting things,” he says, and I agree.

Evening/teatime (~5 pm): A few of the archaeologists tell me about the first female maestro (group leader underneath archaeologists) the Project has ever had. Today was her first day. M____ (Bolivian archaeologist) works with her and tells me she’s a little afraid, for her. Why? I ask. “Because of machismo,” she says. Goes on talking about how the lady maestro had trouble with two things: learning how to excavate and the men snickering about her behind her back, saying they knew more than she did.

Feeling kind of pissed off, restless tonight. Really frustrated with the dogs hanging around our camp, waiting and waiting for us to give them food. One followed me all the way back from the site today, despite the “ccht” sounds I frequently directed at her. Why can’t they just use their brains and go hunt for food or something? They’re smart creatures, I can tell. I think my dislike for them, though, is in some way related to the frustration I feel with the kids around town who ask for money when you say “good afternoon” to them. I say no out of principle, one which I think I figured out this morning. One of the grad students said to me that I should always carry around a few centavos to give to kids in those situations, but I think that’s bullshit, playing the role of the “rich gringo.” It’s one I can’t avoid, of course, no matter what I do…but at least I can avoid fulfilling it in practice, making that inequality only more real. Then again, maybe they don’t care who the hell I am, and just want to use me to buy a Rico Cola at the tienda.

I really need to get away from Khonkho for a while – not so much the town or the people, actually. It’s really this room, the work room, which I spend so much time in, filling my days with the same routine. Looking forward to trip to La Paz tomorrow, definitely.

#011: Fieldnotes, Khonkho Wankane. 06/27/06

Tuesday

Woke up around 10:30 am after long, very entertaining night of archaeological drunkenness. Soul music, Echo & the Bunnymen, good talks about colonialism and archaeology and love lives around a bottle of Jack. I like this project.

Headed to site 1pm. On the way, some young kids shouted at me from the futbol field, “Hello! … okay!” First time I’ve heard English spoken by locals. It actually caught me off guard. I would’ve gone over to say hi, but felt self-imposed pressure to get to the site. Wasn’t sure I really wanted to go or that I’d get anything out of it (especially coming so late), but figured that I should use this time to talk to folks, build relationships … and even if I don’t talk to anyone, just being there is good – making my presence known, getting people used to me and my work (“work?”). So, I walked, thought good thoughts on the way about language and desire (my only certain profession) – feeling cheeky, confident.

Arrived and chatted with M___ (Bolivian archaeologist) about her findings, watched as she directed two male workers through measuring some nails and tying strings on them, in a line running perpendicularly across an excavated pit. Felt a little strange sitting there watching (too close in proximity) so got up and walked over to another unit, down the hill to the left.

Shook hands with two men in closer pit and chatted a bit with A___ (the grad student/project leader) and workers. “No hay nada” (“there is nothing”), still. “Que mal suerte” (“what bad luck!”), one of them kept saying, but with a cheery attitude that seemed to be infectious among this contingent of workers. One seemed to be in especially good spirits, and I soon asked him his name: J___ ____ _____ (Everyone here has two last names; taken from a stock, it seems, of seven or so names that everyone here has). I took out my notepad and had him help me spell it. He wrote the last name himself. Another man came over then see what we were doing – an older man whom the grad student said he’d been talking to, answering dozens of questions about the soil and what they were excavating, and hearing form him something about water and nearby canals (?) – A____ said it was difficult to understand the man’s Spanish because of his dental situation (single front tooth). This older man also helped me spell his name in my book. The two others working in this pit soon did the same.

I chatted with the men a little longer before walking over to the teenage sifters, my “amigas.” I help them crunch chunks of dirt again. They’ve found nothing all day, they say, and we joke about “que aborrido” (“how boring”) the work is. Everyone there talks openly about the boring work and bad luck in a half-joking way, and un-self-consciously, even in front of A___, their “boss”… which is great. Makes me feel so much more comfortable talking to them, as does the relaxed pace of their work – slow and break-filled, and everyone stops and chats often with A___, myself and/or each other.

The girls ask if I’m tired and I tell them about my late night, talking and drinking with the archaeologists, as we tend to do from time to time. One asks if we dance, too. I say yes, sometimes. I ask both what they do at night, go out dancing? Nooo, both assert; they sleep, don’t do anything. “And on the weekends what do you do?” I ask, and their reply is the same. I ask with a tongue-in-cheek nosiness if they have boyfriends and both reply “no!” rather assertively, then reciprocate the question. “No way, I don’t need one!” I say, and they laugh. Ag___ is more talkative and asks me about my family (whether they’re sad/miss me), where I’m from, where I plan to go after my time in Bolivia. Neither knows where the U.S. is; Ag___ asks how long is the trip from there to here, and is surprised to hear my reply of 6 hours.

Aculli begins at 3pm, so I sit down next to an older woman named E___ and A____ comes around with a Ziploc bag full of coca leaves (a duty reserved for bosses, mallkus, project directors). E____ and I talk about how much work she does – cleaning, cooking, washing clothes, and then excavating in addition – and she complains in a half-joking but earnest way about how her back hurts, her hands are chapped and cracked. I tell her I’ll bring in a good skin cream for her, made from aloe. She doesn’t know what aloe is, but says that sounds good.

We talk (half-jokingly) about how hard it is for the women, working so hard while the men do nothing. As we sit, F____ (her husband? – they throw Aymara commentary back and forth constantly) hands me some seeds that look like small sunflower seeds, picked from the bale of wheat-looking stuff he’s sitting near. I can’t understand his explanation (and all the workers watching our interaction laugh/giggle at my confusion), but E____ tells me that they are for cooking (“tostar” was the word she used) and that Am___ (her sister, our cook back at the camp) will cook them for me tonight. She rubs some stalks between her callused palms to loosen the seeds and hands me a couple dozen, then a couple dozen more, then a couple dozen more, and F____ does the same. I accept the little handfuls gratefully and put them in the Velcro front pocket of my overalls – the girls at the sifter giggle at this, and pretty much everything I do or say. The conversations shifts to dancing and clothes – E___ says something about a “faltita” (little skirt), a cholita and then a fiesta. I come to understand that they’re talking about the Fiesta in July, and wondering whether I’m going to dance. I say yes I definitely will. Everyone (sitting around, listening to our conversation) laughs. I ask E____ whether she’ll be dancing too, and she says no, no. I ask, “who does dance in the festival each year, just gringos?” They laugh. She says yes, gringos dance, but also cholitas* and (I believe she says) people from out of town, from la ciudad.

After aculli, one of the workers asks whether I’m going to excavate. I answer that I don’t know how to excavate, “soy una antropologa,” and A___ helps me explain my project to them – I’ll be learning about the excavation, we say, talking with the workers and trying to understand the interactions between community and archaeologists, and what role the excavation plays in the community. They seem interested, nodding. J___ affirms that I’m making a historia, no? A___ says yes, then tells me in translation that that’s what most people here call any kind of ethnography. F_____ then adds his interpretation: that I want to learn about the customs here, and what people eat, and things like that.

Another worker, D___, says that he wants to learn English and the other men agree. I ask him what types of words he’d like to learn and he says salutations, like “gracias.” I tell him the words, try to enunciate as well as possible. They sound so goofy and foreign coming out of my mouth. The men try to repeat but seem to have a bit of trouble. I take out my little book and write thank you in clear, bubbly handwriting and show it to D___. He tries to sound out the words, gives up and tells A___ in Spanish that he’ll never be able to learn the language. A___ laughs, and then I do.

One worker talks with A___ about language, and says that if it weren’t for Cristobal Colon (Columbus), we would all have to speak Aymara and wouldn’t be able to understand each other. They go on to talk about how the Spaniards brought a lot, but there was also a lot here in pre-Columbian times. The worker, J____ (standing in pit, taking a break as usual) explains in a somewhat didactic tone how there were round houses, and whole llama bones, which indicate that the people then ate meat straight off the bone. All this he told to A___, who translated for me, and added that these were all things he (J___) had learned from/through the excavation. J_____ used his steel trowel to demonstrate the point about the bones, guiding it along his forearm to represent the full, unbroken length of the found bones. He then talked about how people in the past made fire with stones, and demonstrated by tapping the edge of his trowel against a rock on the ground, about 1 foot away from him. As A___ translated this for me the two of us smiled, in mutual understanding of how cool this was.

J_____ also talked about the ceramics, and how they were a lot “stronger” then. But now they’ve got electric kilns, “un nueva tecnica,” he said, so the ceramics today are getting better in quality. A___ adds that J____ is a ceramicist, makes artisan pottery and, like many ceramicists in this area, uses images from books by Posnansky (an archaeologist who worked in this area in the seventies?) and from the monoliths at Khonkho as inspiration for his designs. I ask whether these designs are popular; A___ says they seem to be, then walks closer to J_____ to ask about his works, where he sells them, how many he sells. J____ says he sells them in La Paz, about 100 pieces a month. Pretty good, A___ says.

It’s a really good practice, I realize (contrary to initial expectations) to stay with one unit for the day – just hanging out and talking with these folks feels like I’m making progress, in a way. Also, this is the first time I feel truly at ease talking with male workers.

Conversation shifts to coca and cocaine. The men ask A___ what people use it for in the U.S. and why. A___ and I try to explain the reasons why – it makes people feel good, like alcohol, we say. J____ asks whether it helps people study and think. We say yes, but it’s mostly for fun. And it’s really addictive, and very bad for the health. I try to say that it speeds up the heart – A___ translates: “Her mother is a doctor, and she sees patients who use cocaine and their heart goes fast (hand rapping against chest). It also destroys the noise and throat, I try to say, and A___ translates. Es mal, es peligroso, we say, and the men nod quietly; “oh, ok,” they seem to say. “The young people, it makes them lose their senses,” F_____ says. I agree, “sí, sí.”

I feel comfortable enough at this point to make the move and ask these folks if they’d like to interview sometime. Although some (like J____) seem to have more to say about the excavation than others, I decide it’d be best to interview everyone in this unit – get a good variety of perspectives, but also avoid any tension, jealousy, etc.

I ask E____ first: “I’d like to interview the workers (me gustaría entrevistar los trabajadores aquí)…” There is some confusion about the verb “entrevistar” … I offer “talk,” “conversation, outside of work…” she’s still confused, so I call A___. over, he helps me explain. She says a word in Aymara, maybe for “interview,” and my purpose seems to be understood. I tell her I want to learn about the workers’ experiences, what the excavation means to them and what they learn from it. She starts talking about the ceramics she has that are in La Paz, and how she won’t be able to get them until September. Talks about all the work she has to do, how there’s no time … but sometime, I can come over to her house and she’ll show me the ceramics, in Agosto, or Septiembre. A___ tries to translate, but we’re both pretty confused at this point. “She’s still talking about September,” he says after a few minutes, and gets up to walk over to the pit and document some things before the work day is over. I remain, and struggle to understand her, make myself clearer. When can we go to her house here, in Khonkho, not La Paz, I ask, and she says something to the effect of “today, after work.” I tell her I’m not able to today, I don’t have my questions ready, but what day is best for you next week? She says Sunday. I say I can next Sunday, because this Sunday I go to La Paz (not quite true). Ok, it’s settled: next (not this) Sunday.

I get up, walk over to J___ and tell him the same shpeal about wanting to interview workers next week … he says yes, seems pretty enthusiastic. Next week, maybe Tuesday, after work? Yes, he says. D____ looks over and I barely have to ask. He wants to be interviewed too. Walk over to the girls at the sifter and ask them. They (Ag___) say they won’t be there next week – other workers will be rotating in. I say maybe we can meet next week, or at the end of this week. We’ll talk on Friday. The other sifter doesn’t say anything, but Ag___ seems pretty enthused. It’s five to 5 now. I help A___ pack a few things up. People start leaving … “ciao,” “hasta mañana”’s. Prof. shows up, with car and I drive home with the archaeologists. Feeling REALLY happy. This may have been the best day at the site yet … I’m beaming, truly.

Return 5pm, have tea and snack. After a while, drive with prof, one grad student, one mallku, and two other guys picked up on the way to D.’s house (a community member) for meeting about the pukara, the much-disputed area of land on a nearby mountain where the grad student wants to excavate. He owns half of it and is reluctant to let any archaeology happen there, so my prof will be trying to make compromise. I’m just following along with tape recorder. Pretty rough ride, driving over stone walls and dirt fields. Wasn’t sure we’d make it.

*Cholita = the diminutive form of chola, which in this part of Bolivia is a word for an woman who wears Indigenous dress. The masculine form, cholo, refers to someone who lives in city but has Indigenous roots, in a way which can also be derogatory (similar to our “white trash”). In other parts of Latin America the word has definite derogatory, probably racist connotations no matter its gender.

#010: Fieldnotes, Khonkho. 06/26/06

Monday

Not feeling well this morning, but decided to go with team to the site, since it’s the first day of excavation, or, digging new ground. It’ll make me feel better to walk around, I figured. Six of us drove out there, and arrived at 9:10am. No one was working yet; the women were sitting together, the men standing nearby talking.

I said my hello’s, “buen dias”’s to the workers (the “-os” in “Buenos dias” usually gets cut off). Shook hands with an older lady, and she didn’t let go for a few minutes, at least. Just looked at me with big, smiling eyes and told me something (greetings?) in Aymara. I asked her how the work here has been going for her, and what her name is, but she just kept saying things I couldn’t understand; “I don’t speak Spanish,” maybe. She just laughed, I laughed, we laughed together, still holding hands. I told her I’d find somebody to translate.

Said hello to another older woman as people got up and started moving around, forming groups. I asked the lady what they were doing – she said they were organizing people into quadrillas. My prof. came over to me then, told me how problematic it can be to form work groups when some people don’t show up for work and send a replacement instead. Many do, sending a family member, usually a wife in their place. It’s becomes so confusing, trying to keep track, my prof. says.

9:41 am. Sitting nearby one of the units with my backpack and notepad, observing. One of the project co-directors is there, talking with a quadrilla of middle-aged women, ready with their pickaxes and shovels. He explains something to them, and they begin digging into the ground.

I’m thinking about methodology, and questions to ask around today, informally. Want to talk about the mechanics and organization of the excavation – How does this work? What are people doing? (and why?) – with both maestros, or group leaders, and regular workers. The latter, referred to as “bases,” [bah-says] by the maestros, rotate out every week, while the former are community leaders or their leaders who have the privilege of remaining on the project all season. Comparing the perspectives of the politically connected and not could prove pretty interesting.

A while later, the Bolivian co-director came over to say hello. I asked if this is a new unit they were about to excavate. No, he said, “es anterior, del año pasado” (it’s from before, from last year). He tried to explain to me slowly, didactically, dumbing down his Spanish for me, that they’re trying to find out whether the artifacts in this unit date to the Formative period. Stooped down and demonstrated with two stones how they’re trying to understand the relationships between artifacts. I asked whether it’s a relationship of time, space, or the characteristics of artifacts. Time, he said. Explained more but I didn’t understand everything. I asked him whether the workers understand all this, too. “No, no entienden mucho,” he said in a more sympathetic than condescending tone. “They don’t understand much.” Explained how they’re used to farming potatoes, not archaeology. He then walked away to check on another unit. The ladies looked at me and smile, so I walked over to say hello, introduce myself. I asked them if they were excavating a new unit today. Yes, they answered promptly.

I wandered over to another unit, where the grad student in charge told me that the girls working the sifter are new. Asked if I wanted to go over and help them “crunch dirt” – they were picking through the chunks left after sifting, breaking them apart to look for bits of ceramic, bone, etc. I walk over to them and call out “Hola señoritas!” in a sassy tone I only feel comfortable using with people younger than or the same age as me. I ask their names and they look at each other and giggle. I ask them a series of questions and get brief “yes” answers: Do you like this work? Did you work here last year? Did you discover anything interesting? Yes, ceramicas and liticas (lithics, or stone tools). From what time were these artifacts? They don’t know. From a long time ago? Yes, from antiguas (ancient times). They then ask me my name, and whether it’s my first time here at Khonkho, and giggle more. A., the grad student, takes a picture of us from a distance, and says he’s “catching the ethnographer at work.” The girls giggle intensely now. I translate, loosely (“dice, ‘la anthropologa esta trabajando.’”), and they just keep laughing. I ask their ages (17 and 18), and whether they go to school, trying to take the conversation in a less anthropological, more friendly direction. One is a senior in high school, the other just graduated and wants to go to university in El Alto. I feel pretty comfortable, confident, talking to them. Might make good informants, but both seem like they might be too shy about talking, or just giggle throughout the whole interview.

#009: Fieldnotes, Khonkho. 06/23/06

Friday

First day going out to the site as “the anthropologist.” Workers seemed happy on their first day of work, eager to put shovels to soil. They weren’t excavating today, just clearing the pits of fill from last year, being the dirt which the archaeologists use at the end of each season to cover up the non-extractable findings (building foundations, canals), protect them from weather and wear. It was a lot of digging and heaving, plopping earth into buckets, but the work wasn’t too strenuous to prevent some sporadic, light conversation and jokes, all in Aymara.

Figuring out how to conduct myself in this situation was tricky at first, especially with none of my archaeologist friends there. I asked one of the Bolivian archaeologists before she left whether my presence would be seen as weird or distracting, or whether she should say something to the workers, introduce me. She assured me that it was fine, that they’re used to being watched. There are anthropologists there pretty much every year asking them questions, she said. I asked her what I should do there, could I help out in some way, make myself useful? She told me that if I really wanted to make a good impression with the workers, I could take care of the wawa, or baby. One of the women, a mallkuteka (mallku’s wife), had brought her one year-old to work and sat him down near the excavation pit on a blanket. He kept crying and fussing, forcing her to leave the pit every five minutes or so to tend to him. I walked over towards the two and offered my help. The mom went back to digging, so I kept the baby company, giving him my Spanish mini-dictionary to play with, and showing him how to draw on big rocks with little rocks. He liked that a lot. The mom then came over, smiling to see me playing with the baby, but a little too shy, it seemed, to talk to me. She liked my dictionary, at least. Asked me if it’s “para aprender” (for learning)? I nodded eagerly. “Yes! I want to learn Spanish!” I said, in Spanish.

At around 3:15 in the afternoon, everybody put down their picks and shovels and sat down beside the pits, men and women sitting in separate clumps. Someone told me its time for aculli, the customary coca-chewing break. Good opportunity to talk. I sat with the women and introduced myself, tried to strike up a conversation. Two out of the four or five were receptive, introduced themselves, seemed eager to chat and learn about me. They asked about where I’m from, what kind of food we eat there, and whether my parents are sad that I’m here? No, I said, my parents are happy for me, because they’re learning about Bolivia because of my trip. I asked them how the work at the site is going; good, they said. I told them I am an anthropologist, interested in observing the excavation and talking to the workers, seeing how people learn from it. I asked what they were excavating and got a short answer from one woman about clearing the fill out. I asked about the Solstice, why it happened at the site – no answer. One lady asked whether I liked the festival – I said I did, very much. They liked my dictionary, took it in their hands and giggled at it. Giggled at lots of things, and mumbled things in Aymara, especially after asking me questions in Spanish and hearing my standard response - “what?” - a few times to make sure I understood. I wasn’t sure what their laughter meant, exactly, so I just laughed along every time.

06-24-06 Sat.

At site: New unit being excavated today, led by A., one of the grad students. I watched A. joined two workers in sprinkling a bottle of puro on the ground before digging – the word for it is “ch’allar,” making an offering. At A.’s suggestion, I walked over to one worker – the maestro or leader of the group – with a bag of dulces (sweet hard candies) as an excuse to strike up a conversation, and asked why they ch’allar … he told me (through another grad student who translates) that it’s for good luck, so that they find walls, llama fetuses, human burials, cooking areas. The grad student explained that, in archaeology, at least, these are called focal points, central findings, because they can tell you so much about the rest of a site, the way people there lived and died. I asked the worker why they wanted to find these things. He responded that if they just found dirt (“suello” or “tierra”) it would be a waste of man hours.

06-25-06 Sun.

The cooks are off today, so we (the grad students and I) cooked for ourselves. The project directors were off in La Paz. We made a stir fry with all the vegetables that the cooks don’t how to use and have left to gather dust on the shelves – bell peppers, broccoli, string beans. I constructed a salad with spinach, avocado, and apple slices and someone else whips up a mustard vinaigrette. It was so unexpectedly wonderful to eat food that actually contains flavor; quite a change from the dishes we typically get, involving quinoa soup and some combination of rice, pasta and potatoes, maybe a fried egg.

The rest of the day was lazy, mostly. I missed my romantic college-ness, so I decided to lay out on the straw field behind camp with some Walt Whitman and look for pictures in the clouds. Little did I know that, like most of the fields around here, this one was populated with paja grass needles, sharp-as-hell little seed spindlies that love to embed themselves in every layer of clothing you’re wearing. I spent all afternoon picking the goddamn things out of my fleece with a tweezer.

Thursday, August 10, 2006

PHOTOS: Sun & Fun in Khonkho. 6/27-6/29


One of the archaeologists gets ready to venture into the Eastern Cordillera, a huge mountain range near Khonkho, to do some archaeolocal survey. Locals hired to be her assistant-guides help her pack up burros (donkeys) with cargo...









Wool braid attachments like these are very fashionable in the campo.







On a self-guided tour through Khonkho Likiliki.....



The main plaza, where the bus comes through to take folks to La Paz, or smaller nearby towns.



Somebody's front door.



These are houses. Some may be tiendas, little stores with produce and dry goods, but you never really know.






That dark path in the background is the road to the site.






Khonkho's main strip.



The new church and Sunday school.






A new, apparently unfinished, home.



The museum, currently under renovation.






The plaza.






Entrance to the primary school.












The old colonial church.






Note the old-looking statues in the plaza there. Built in the 1950's, I believe, but modeled on the 2000 year-old monoliths out at the site.



A random building across from our compound, in a state of disrepair.



Houses, I think. I never see anyone come in or out of there.



Our "dormitorio." Where we sleep.



Sleeping quarters.



My cozy little sleeping area.



Archaeology stuff.



Outhouse.



Lovely, no?



Shower.



It's got an electric thingy that heats the water.






Local dude washing artifacts.



Strange, abandoned building in our little compound.



Making charky, or dried beef jerky, in the sun. The word "jerky" is actually derived from the word "charky" from Quechua, the language of the Inca which is still spoken throughout the Andes. Jabba the Hut spoke Quechua, because George Lucas was too lazy to make up another language.